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"The
systems that most states have built up are very large and expensive,"
said Dan Wilhelm of the Vera Institute of Justice in New York City.
"When
times were flush, it was a politically painless policy to pursue.
Now the choices are much more difficult."
In
addition to pressing for changes in mandatory minimum sentences,
better rehabilitation programs and prison alternatives, reform advocates
also say the sentencing code needs to be examined to eliminate unintentional
oddities. For example, viewing child pornography on the Internet
carries mandatory consecutive sentences. The result: Those who view
pornography sometimes face longer prison terms than those who molest
children.
But
not everybody agrees that Arizona must make major changes to its
criminal-justice system. Some say building more prisons is the answer.
Napolitano wants more than a half-billion dollars to add 9,134 new
prison beds over the next five years, while some Republican legislative
leaders think private companies can build and manage prisons more
cheaply than the state.
Maricopa
County Attorney Rick Romley warns that financial considerations
should not override public policy and safety concerns.
"We
must consider building more prisons," Romley said. "No
one's showed me that the wrong people are in prison."
Professor
Michael Block of the University of Arizona said he does not believe
the prison system is a mess.
"Carrying
out punishment is expensive, but there are a lot of bad actors in
this state who usually did some pretty bad things," he said.
Constantly
growing
Although
possible solutions are up for debate, most agree that Arizona's
prison overcrowding problem cannot go unchecked. The inmate population,
now at more than 31,000, grows by an average of 160 inmates per
month. Some of them are housed in temporary beds in hallways, tents
and dormitory double-bunks, a situation that endangers officers,
other prisoners and, potentially, the public at large.
"We
are dangerously overcrowded," said Dora Schriro, state corrections
director. "This is pushing the system far further than it should
be pushed."
The
overcrowding does not appear to be merely a reflection of Arizona's
rapid population growth. From 1980 to 2000, the state's population
grew by about 90 percent, from 2.7 million to 5.1 million. Arizona's
inmate population grew by about 600 percent, from 3,859 inmates
to 26,747 inmates.
The
Department of Corrections budget has risen from $32 million in 1978
to $638 million this year, fueled in part by Arizona's high incarceration
rate. At 513 per 100,000 residents, it is the highest of the Western
states and considerably above the national average of 427. In fiscal
2003, four of five prison commitments in Arizona were for non-violent
crimes.
Most
experts attribute the rapid growth in the prison population to several
factors: mandatory minimum sentences, longer sentences, abolition
of parole, the war on drugs and tougher prosecution of probation
violators.
Over
the past 25 years, "tough on crime" policies have swept
the country. In Arizona, two major rewrites of the criminal law
went into effect in 1978 and 1994. These reforms, as well as subsequent
laws, reflected attempts by the Legislature to ensure that criminals
received similar prison terms for the same crimes and to restrict
judges said to be soft on crime.
The
initial changes established mandatory prison sentences for many
serious crimes, especially for violent criminals and repeat non-violent
offenders. The truth-in-sentencing provisions of 1994 abolished
parole and required that all offenders serve at least 85 percent
of their sentences.
The
result: more prisoners serving longer terms. Since 1986, the earliest
year for which corrections data are available, the average time
served by an inmate in Arizona's prisons has risen to 33 months
from 24 months.
Sources
of discontent
As
Chief Judge Colin Campbell of Maricopa County Superior Court put
it: The prison system began taking more and more prisoners in while
letting fewer out.
"If
we keep feeding the front end and locking up the back end,"
Campbell said, "we'll just keep targeting more capital-improvement
money every (legislative) session."
Another
source of discontent for judges and others is the evolution of punishment
policies that have shifted more decisionmaking power to prosecutors
at the expense of judges.
This
is because prosecutors usually have leeway in deciding exactly what
charge to bring against a suspect and, thus, can choose to impose
a charge that carries a mandatory minimum term or one that permits
probation. If a prosecutor chooses a charge carrying a mandatory
term, the judge usually must send a convicted person to prison whether
the judge wishes to or not.
"(Lawmakers)
really do need to look at the mandatory sentences," Campbell
said. "Frankly, I think judges should be given more discretion;
that's why we're elected to office."
The
concern reaches to the highest level. In August, U.S. Supreme Court
Justice Anthony Kennedy said transferring discretion from a judge
to a prosecutor is "simply unwise."
"In
my view our resources are being misspent, our punishments are too
severe and our sentences are too long," Kennedy said. "I
accept neither the wisdom, the justice nor the necessity of mandatory
minimums."
Justice
Stephen Breyer recently echoed these sentiments, saying other justices,
including Chief Justice William Rehnquist, shared his views.
War
on drugs
Drug
laws are the category of offenses that critics say are most ripe
for review nationwide. In the past few decades, the crackdown on
drug possession and trafficking at all levels of law enforcement
has sent unprecedented numbers of mostly non-violent offenders to
prison. Nationally, the war on drugs costs more than $40 billion
a year and results in more than 1.5 million arrests, according to
the non-profit Drug Policy Alliance.
During
the past fiscal year, about 18 percent of prison entries in Arizona
were for drug offenses. As of June 30, about 1,600 offenders were
behind bars for possession, an additional 3,900 for dealing. Since
1986, the average time served for a drug offense has increased to
34 months from 23 months.
Arizona
voters addressed the debate in 1996 by approving substance abuse
treatment instead of prison for first- and second-time drug possessors.
In 1999, this law saved the state $6.7 million by diverting 390
inmates from prison to treatment, according to a study by the state
Administrative Office of the Courts.
But
Romley says drug offenders belong behind bars.
"The
ones that are on cocaine and marijuana are the ones who beat their
children," he said.
Still,
advocates of sentencing reform say rigid prosecution policies are
filling up prisons needlessly.
"The
vast majority of crimes are drug-related," said Judge Ronald
Reinstein of Maricopa County Superior Court.
"As
a judge, you look at a individual up for selling a rock (of crack
cocaine). The presumptive sentence is, say, five years in prison,
but you have to ask yourself, 'Does this guy need this? He's basically
an addict.' "
DUI
offenders are another category of non-violent offenders that are
filling up state prisons. In fact, the state plans to build a 1,400-bed
private facility in Kingman just for DUI offenders. In 1986, the
average person imprisoned for DUI served eight months. Now, the
average term is 18 months. In fiscal 2003, about 18 percent of all
inmates entering state prison were there for DUI. As of June 30,
there were 2,577 inmates in prison for DUI.
Konopnicki's
group is expected to recommend stiffer initial fines for DUI to
deter offenders from repeating. Now, the fine for first-time DUI
is low - at $250, it is less than some speeding tickets - but repeat
offenders can be sentenced to many years in prison.
Widening
the net
Advocates
say drug offenses, DUI and other non-violent crimes may be better
punished through community-based programs like home arrest, electronic
monitoring, intensive probation and mandatory treatment that cost
less than the average $20,000 a year it costs to imprison, feed
and take care of each inmate.
Donna
Hamm of the Tempe-based Middle Ground Prison Reform said the state
should "widen the punishment net so that there are more available
punishments."
These
alternatives allow offenders, in some cases, to stay with their
families, work and continue to pay taxes without the collateral
costs of prison.
Rudolph
J. Gerber, a retired Court of Appeals and Maricopa County Superior
Court judge, said as a trial judge he sent too many non-violent
offenders to state prisons only to see them become more of a threat
to the community.
"They
would go to the slammer, have contact with hardened criminals and
come back worse than they went in," he said.
Most
officials agree that Arizona's prison system does little to rehabilitate
inmates. The Department of Corrections estimates about half of all
offenders return to prison within three years of release.
Within
prison, corrections Director Schriro estimates that 75 percent of
inmates need substance abuse treatment or education but that only
23 percent are getting it. Schriro wants to require inmate participation
in core competencies like obtaining a general equivalency diploma,
substance abuse treatment and work skills.
But,
to reduce its budget, the department eliminated funding for substance
abuse treatment the past two years, a program that received $1.2
million a year in the late 1990s. The Legislature has also transferred
$5 million out of inmate drug treatment and alcohol abuse funds
from fiscal 1999 to 2003, according to the Corrections Department.
Schriro
wants to reduce the number of offenders imprisoned not because of
new crimes but because of technical violations of their probation
or parole, such as failure to attend meetings and positive drug
tests (nearly half of all prison commitments last year).
For
people at risk of revocation, she wants to employ a "continuum"
of intermediate sanctions including home arrest, intensive probation
and short prison stays coupled with intensive rehabilitation.
More
than 30 other states have moved recently to alter their sentencing
or corrections policies, according to the Vera Institute of Justice.
Michigan eliminated most of its mandatory minimum sentences for
drug offenses.
Washington
significantly reduced sentences for all drug offenses. Alabama,
Louisiana, Indiana and other states have promoted alternatives to
prison.
"Nationally,
there's a greater openness to sentencing and drug reform than we've
seen in a long time," said Marc Mauer of the non-profit Sentencing
Project in Washington, D.C.
"That's
because the cost has kicked in during the past few years. The tough-on-crime
laws of the '80s came with a considerable cost."
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